Sunday 11 March 2018

"Down a Mine, is He?", Chortled Gordon



Order is the Shire of Tolkien’s hobbits: peaceful, productive and safely inhabitable, even by the naive. 

Chaos is the underground kingdom of the dwarves, usurped by Smaug, the treasure-hoarding serpent. 


Chaos is also the formless potential from which the God of Genesis 1 called forth order using language at the beginning of time. It’s the same potential from which we, made in that Image, call forth the novel and ever-changing moments of our lives. And Chaos is freedom, dreadful freedom, too. 

Order, by contrast, is explored territory. That’s the hundreds-of-millions-ofyears- old hierarchy of place, position and authority. That’s the structure of society. It’s the structure provided by biology, too—particularly insofar as you are adapted, as you are, to the structure of society. Order is tribe, religion, hearth, home and country. It’s the warm, secure living-room where the fireplace glows and the children play. It’s the flag of the nation. It’s the value of the currency. Order is the floor beneath your feet, and your plan for the day. It’s the greatness of tradition, the rows of desks in a school classroom, the trains that leave on time, the calendar, and the clock. 

Order is the public façade we’re called upon to wear, the politeness of a gathering of civilized strangers, and the thin ice on which we all skate. 

Order is the place where the behavior of the world matches our expectations and our desires; the place where all things turn out the way we want them to. 

But order is sometimes tyranny and stultification, as well, when the demand for certainty and uniformity and purity becomes too one-sided.

  • Before the Twin Towers fell—that was order. Chaos manifested itself afterward. Everyone felt it. The very air became uncertain.
  • What exactly was it that fell? Wrong question. 
  • What exactly remained standing? That was the issue at hand. 



When the ice you’re skating on is solid, that’s Order. When the bottom drops out, and things fall apart, and you plunge through the ice, that’s Chaos. 

Order is the Shire of Tolkien’s hobbits: peaceful, productive and safely inhabitable, even by the naive. 

Chaos is the underground kingdom of the dwarves, usurped by Smaug, the treasure-hoarding serpent. 

Chaos is the deep ocean bottom to which Pinocchio voyaged to rescue his father from Monstro, whale and fire-breathing dragon. That journey into darkness and rescue is the most difficult thing a puppet must do, if he wants to be real; if he wants to extract himself from the temptations of deceit and acting and victimization and impulsive pleasure and totalitarian subjugation; if he wants to take his place as a genuine Being in the world. 


Order is the stability of your marriage. It’s buttressed by the traditions of the past and by your expectations—grounded, often invisibly, in those traditions. 

Chaos is that stability crumbling under your feet when you discover your partner’s infidelity. Chaos is the experience of reeling unbound and unsupported through space when your guiding routines and traditions collapse. 

Order is the place and time where the oft-invisible axioms you live by organize your experience and your actions so that what should happen does happen. 

Chaos is the new place and time that emerges when tragedy strikes suddenly, or malevolence reveals its paralyzing visage, even in the confines of your own home. Something unexpected or undesired can always make its appearance, when a plan is being laid out, regardless of how familiar the circumstances. 

When that happens, the territory has shifted. Make no mistake about it: the space, the apparent space, may be the same. But we live in Time, as well as Space. 

In consequence, even the oldest and most familiar places retain an ineradicable capacity to surprise you. You may be cruising happily down the road in the automobile you have known and loved for years. But time is passing. The brakes could fail. 

You might be walking down the road in the body you have always relied on. If your heart malfunctions, even momentarily, everything changes. Friendly old dogs can still bite. Old and trusted friends can still deceive. New ideas can destroy old and comfortable certainties. 

Such Things Matter. They’re Real


Gentleman's Relish : The City of Big Temptation



In the early years of the nineteenth century, refugees from war-torn Europe began arriving in New York in great numbers. Many were remnants of the crumbling French aristocracy, forced to seek refuge abroad from the dread "Monsieur Guillotine." Arriving here without funds or friends, many of these were forced to survive, as one contemporary put it, "by their wits or worse."

One of these, arriving in late 1803 or early 1804, was Mlle. Evelyn Claudine de Saint-Évremond. Daughter of a noted courtier, wit, and littérateur, and herself a favorite of Marie Antoinette, Evelyn was by all accounts remarkably attractive: beautiful, vivacious, and well-educated, and she was soon a society favorite. For reasons never disclosed, however, a planned marriage the following year to John Hamilton, son of the late Alexander Hamilton, was called off at the last minute. Soon after, with support from several highly placed admirers, she established a salon -- in fact, a brothel -- in a substantial house that still stands at 42 Bond Street, then one of the city's most exclusive residential districts.

Evelyn's establishment quickly won, and for several decades maintained, a formidable reputation as the most entertaining and discreet of the city's many "temples of love," a place not only for lovemaking, but also for elegant dinners, high-stakes gambling, and witty conversation. The girls, many of them fresh arrivals from Paris or London, were noted for their beauty and bearing. More than a few of them, apparently, were actually able to secure wealthy husbands from among the establishment's clientele.

When New Yorkers insisted on anglicizing her name to "Eve," Evelyn apparently found the biblical reference highly amusing, and for her part would refer to the temptresses in her employ as "my irresistable apples." The young men-about-town soon got into the habit of referring to their amorous adventures as "having a taste of Eve's Apples." This knowing phrase established the speaker as one of the "in" crowd, and at the same time made it clear he had no need to visit one of the coarser establishments that crowded nearby Mercer Street, for instance. The enigmatic reference in Philip Hone's famous diary to "Ida, sweet as apple cider" (October 4, 1838) has been described as an oblique reference to a visit to what had by then become a notorious but cherished civic institution.

The rest, as they say, is etymological history.

The sexual connotation of the word "apple" was well known in New York and throughout the country until around World War I. The Gentleman's Directory of New York City, a privately published (1870) guide to the town's "houses of assignation," confidently asserted that "in freshness, sweetness, beauty, and firmness to the touch, New York's apples are superior to any in the New World or indeed the Old." Meanwhile, various "apple" catch-phrases -- "the Apple Tree," "the Real Apple," etc. -- were used as synonyms for New York City itself, which boasted (if that is the term) more houses of ill repute per capita than any other major U.S. municipality.

William Jennings Bryan, though hardly the first to denounce New York as a sink of iniquity, appears to have been the first to use the "apple" epithet in public discourse, branding the city, in a widely reprinted 1892 campaign speech, as "the foulest Rotten Apple on the Tree of decadent Federalism." The double-entendre -- i.e., as a reference to both political and sexual corruption -- would have been well understood by voters of the time.

The term "Big Apple" or "The Apple" had already passed into general use as a sobriquet for New York City by 1907, when one guidebook included the comment, "Some may think the Apple is losing some of its sap." Interestingly, the phrase had also become pretty well "sanitized" in the process, thanks to a vigorous campaign mounted just after the turn of the century by the Apple Marketing Board, a trade group based in upstate Cortland, New York. Alarmed by sharply declining sales, the Association launched what some believe to be the earliest example of what would now be called a "product positioning campaign."

By devising and energetically promoting such slogans as "An apple a day keeps the Doctor away" and "as American as apple pie!" the A.M.B. was able to successfully "rehabilitate" the apple as a popular comestible, free of unsavory associations. It is believed that the group also distributed apples to the poor for sale on the city's streets during the Great Depression (1930-38). No convincing documentary evidence has been produced to support this, however.

-- Society for New York City History,
Education Committee

Saturday 10 March 2018

Rule 1 — I Have Very Bad Posture


Rule #1 :
Stand up straight with your shoulders back

Rule #2 :
Treat yourself like you would someone you are responsible for helping

Rule #3 :
Make friends with people who want the best for you

Rule #4 :
Compare yourself with who you were yesterday, not with who someone else is today

Rule #5 :
Do not let your children do anything that makes you dislike them

Rule #6 :
Set your house in perfect order before you criticise The World

Rule #7 :
Pursue what is meaningful (not what is expedient)

Rule #8 :
Tell The Truth – or, at least, don’t lie.

Rule #9
Assume that the person you are listening to might know something you don’t

Rule #10 :
Be precise in your speech

Rule #11 : 
Do not bother children when they are skate-boarding

Rule #12 :
Pet a cat when you encounter one on the street


I'm on My Time with everyone 
I Have.Very. Bad Posture

— Kurt Cobain, Pennyroyal Tea



“A lobster loser’s brain chemistry differs importantly from that of a lobster winner. This is reflected in their relative postures. 

Whether a lobster is confident or cringing depends on the ratio of two chemicals that modulate communication between lobster neurons: serotonin and octopamine. Winning increases the ratio of the former to the latter.


A lobster with high levels of serotonin and low levels of octopamine is a cocky, strutting sort of shellfish, much less likely to back down when challenged. This is because serotonin helps regulate postural flexion. 




A flexed lobster extends its appendages so that it can look tall and dangerous, like Clint Eastwood in a spaghetti Western. 



When a lobster that has just lost a battle is exposed to serotonin, it will stretch itself out, advance even on former victors, and fight longer and harder.  The drugs prescribed to depressed human beings, which are selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors, have much the same chemical and behavioural effect. In one of the more staggering demonstrations of the evolutionary continuity of life on Earth, Prozac even cheers up lobsters.

High serotonin/low octopamine characterizes the victor. The opposite neurochemical configuration, a high ratio of octopamine to serotonin, produces a defeated-looking, scrunched-up, inhibited, drooping, skulking sort of lobster, very likely to hang around street corners, and to vanish at the first hint of trouble. 

Serotonin and octopamine also regulate the tail-flick reflex, which serves to propel a lobster rapidly backwards when it needs to escape. 

Less provocation is necessary to trigger that reflex in a defeated lobster. 

You can see an echo of that in the heightened startle reflex characteristic of the soldier or battered child with post-traumatic stress disorder.”

Excerpt From: 
Jordan B. Peterson. 
12 Rules for Life: An Antidote to Chaos.


Leader of the Crab People[entirely red] : 
See now where we have been forced to live for a thousand years! But soon we shall rule the land above, and mankind will be gone!

Mr. Garrison :
Gone?? 

["Crab People! Crab People!"]

Crab Man 2 :
Crab people are too small and weak to take over man by force, and so we came up with our perfect plan! 

[another crab person walks over to a closet full of human shells, all of them replicas of the Queer Eye guys. The crab person climbs in a Carson replica and closes the shell behind him. Carson's replica comes to life]

Carson replica :
If you can't beat Man -
[drops down from his hook] 
change Man!!!

Mr. Garrison :
I knew it! 
I knew gay people would never do this to their own kind! 
[some crab people restrain him and Mr. Slave]

Crab Leader :
When all the world is metrosexual, the crab people shall finally reign supreme!! 

[raises his pincers and claps. The other crab people join him and clap]

Crab People :
Crab People! Crab People!

Crab Solo :
Taste like crab, talk like people.
Crab People!
Crab People!

Kyle :
You'll never turn ME into a metrosexual! 
I like being a dirty, filthy little boy!

Crab Man 2 :
[approaches
Very well. If we can't make you into metrosexuals, then we will make you into crab people! Take them!! 

[the crab people swarm in and separate the hostages. Some of them take Kyle into Crabwear and select a crab outfit for him to wear. Then they take him to Crab Salon and put antennae on his hat, then they take him to get a facial, then they march him down the underground road]




" Maybe you are a loser. And maybe you’re not—but if you are, you don’t have to continue in that mode. 

Maybe you just have a bad habit. Maybe you’re even just a collection of bad habits. 

Nonetheless, even if you came by your poor posture honestly—even if you were unpopular or bullied at home or in grade school —it’s not necessarily appropriate now. Circumstances change. 

If you slump around, with the same bearing that characterizes a defeated lobster, people will assign you a lower status, and the old counter that you share with crustaceans, sitting at the very base of your brain, will assign you a low dominance number. 

Then your brain will not produce as much serotonin. 

This will make you less happy, and more anxious and sad, and more likely to back down when you should stand up for yourself. It will also decrease the probability that you will get to live in a good neighbourhood, have access to the highest quality resources, and obtain a healthy, desirable mate. It will render you more likely to abuse cocaine and alcohol, as you live for the present in a world full of uncertain futures. It will increase your susceptibility to heart disease, cancer and dementia. All in all, it’s just not good. 

Circumstances change, and so can you. "

Excerpt From: 
Jordan B. Peterson. 
12 Rules for Life: An Antidote to Chaos.




Reverse Arm-Fold :

The physical inverse of the Badass Arm-Fold, where the arms are folded behind the back. 

The hands may be clasped together just behind the waist (more common in the West and pictured at right), or gripping the opposite forearm higher up (more common in the East). 

This posture generates strong connotations of patience and consideration.


There are four [FIVE] basic character types who use this, for their own reasons:

1) Martial artists, especially the Old Master, who will hold this pose constantly while his hands are not occupied, unless he's a monk, in which case one hand will hold a prayer position in front of his chest.

2) Old people of the Asian persuasion in general, who take the same pose but lean forward as if for balance.



3) The Contemplative Boss. See the picture on that page for an example.

4) Military personnel, while on duty but not actively engaged in some activity (for instance, in formation but not being inspected, waiting for inspection formation, or waiting to be told to form up for inspection). The stance shown in the picture is known as "Parade Rest" in the US military (and possibly elsewhere) and "At Ease" in The Commonwealth.

[ 5) Groucho Marx Impersonators ]



Villains are also fond of the pose, as it allows them to lean forward intimidatingly and not look silly as they would if they just let their arms hang loosely. 

Compare and Contrast Coy, Girlish Flirt Pose.



Is There a Doctor in The Horse...?





[Inside the Wooden Horse]
ODYSSEUS: 
Absolute silence, everyone. 

DOCTOR: 
Well, but I, I 

ODYSSEUS: 
That includes you, Doctor. 

DOCTOR: 
Oh. 

(The Horse jolts violently as the Trojans begin to haul it towards the city.) 

ODYSSEUS: 
Well, this time Troy will be destroyed.

[Priam's palace]

(Troilus escorts Vicki to see King Priam.) 

PRIAM: 
Come on in, Cressida. Come in, both of you. 
Has Troilus told you the news? 

VICKI: 
Yes, it's marvellous, isn't it? I'm so pleased. 

PRIAM: 
Pleased? I should just say you are. You did it. 

VICKI: 
I... 

PRIAM: 
Oh, yes you did. I don't know how, but that's your own business, I suppose. 

Now, why on earth couldn't you tell us this was going to happen?

You would have saved yourself all those hours in the cells, and us a great deal of worry. 

CASSANDRA: 
She didn't tell you because it's some form of treachery. Don't trust her, father. 

PRIAM: Oh, stuff and nonsense. Oh, go and feed the sacred serpents or something. If you can't be pleasant at a time like this, Cassandra, I don't want to see you. Oh, Paris! Have the Greeks really gone? 

PARIS: Every last one of them, or so it seems. 

PRIAM: 
There you are, Cassandra. I told you so. 
Oh, do for goodness sake, smile. 

PARIS: 
But, more important, I think I've just found the Great Horse of Asia. 

PRIAM: 
You've done what? 

PARIS: 
Something uncommonly like it, anyway. 

PRIAM: 
What on earth are you talking about? 

PARIS: 
The Great Horse of Asia. 
Standing all by itself in the middle of the plain, about forty foot high and made of wood. 

PRIAM: 
Whereabouts in the middle of the plain? 

PARIS: 
Near the Grecian line. 
Look. You can just see it from here. 

PRIAM: 
Great heavens, I do believe you're right. 
It is the Great Horse of Asia. 

CASSANDRA: 
It's an omen. An omen of disaster. 

VICKI: (sotto) 
It is the Trojan Horse. But I thought you 

TROILUS: 
What was that? 

CASSANDRA: 
Yes, ask her! Go on, ask her! 
She knows what it is. 
It's our doom! 
It's the death of Troy, brought upon us by that cursed witch! 

PARIS: 
Now understand me, Cassandra. 
I will not have one word said against that horse. 

TROILUS: 
And neither will I against Cressida. 

CASSANDRA: 
Will you not? 
Then woe to the House of Priam. 
Woe to the Trojans. 

PARIS: 
I'm afraid you're a bit late to say 'whoa' to the horse. 
I've just given instructions to have it brought into the city.


Episode Four - Horse of Destruction
[Priam's palace]

CASSANDRA: 
Of all the idiocy, to have it brought into the city. 

PARIS: 
Why? That horse is in the image of one of our gods. 

CASSANDRA: 
It's a trick. My dreams have always been right and they foretell disaster. 

PARIS: 
Now were they right about that little temple? 
That has brought us nothing but good luck. 

CASSANDRA: 
Good luck you call it. The whole family besotted by that sorceress. 

PRIAM: 
Oh, I do wish you'd stop calling Cressida that. 
And I would call it luck to have the entire Greek army removed from our shores. 

Peace at last.

 Though the arrival of the horse is a little puzzling. 

PARIS: 
Well, Cressida probably arranged it, and the very sight of it just, just frightened the Greeks away. 

TROILUS: 
Where is Cressida? 

PARIS: 
Oh, she's probably down in the square watching them bring in the horse. 

TROILUS: 
Oh, then I'd better go look for her. 
I don't like her to go wandering round the city on her own. 

PRIAM: 
No, bring her back up here again. 
She'll get a better view. 

CASSANDRA: 
Katarina, go and look for the sorceress. 
I don't trust my lovesick brother. 

KATARINA: 
But, great priestess, the auguries said that 

CASSANDRA: 
Do you dare to question me? 

KATARINA: 
No. 

CASSANDRA: 
Very well, then. 
Go and watch for that girl.

Woe, Canada

Those Whom The Gods Wish to Destroy, 
They First Make Mad



CASSANDRA
Will you not? 
Then woe! to The 
House of Priam. 
Woe! to The Trojans. 

PARIS
I'm afraid you're a bit late to 
say 'whoa' to The Horse. 

I've just given instructions to 
have it brought into The City.


" The National Anthem Act specifies the lyrics and melody of "O Canada", placing both of them in the public domain, allowing the anthem to be freely reproduced or used as a base for derived works, including musical arrangements.

There are no regulations governing the performance of "O Canada", leaving citizens to exercise their best judgment. "



Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s Address to the 72th Session of the United Nations General Assembly

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s Address to the 72<sup>th</sup> Session of the United Nations General Assembly
CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY
Good afternoon.
Mr. President, fellow delegates, friends.
Before I begin, I would like to offer Canada’s condolences, in the light of Tuesday’s earthquake in Mexico, to all families and friends in mourning.
We wish a speedy recovery for all those who have been injured, and thank all first responders for their tireless efforts to help keep people safe.
Our thoughts are also with our friends in the Caribbean who continue to suffer from devastating hurricanes.
The generosity and resilience that millions have shown in the face of these natural disasters is an inspiration to the world, and Canada stands ready to lend a helping hand in whatever way it can.
It is an honour to be back here with you today, and to have an opportunity to speak to this year’s theme: “Focusing on people: striving for peace and a decent life for all on a sustainable planet.”
People. Peace. A good quality of life, and caring for our environment.
Fairness for people no matter where they live.
These things that matter deeply to Canadians.
We have, throughout our history, worked hard to secure them.
At home and around the world.
I’d like to share with you today some of the difficult lessons that Canada has learned along the way.
Canada is not a wonderland, free of the challenges you face.
We face many of the same challenges that you do.
Canada remains a work in progress.
So I want to tell you about the Canadian experience because for all the mistakes we’ve made, we remain hopeful.
Hopeful that we can do better, and be better, and treat each other with the dignity and the respect that is the birthright of every human being.
I want to tell you our story because I know that the challenges we have faced – and continue to face – are not unique in the world.
And neither are the solutions.
An approach that values human dignity – that emphasizes fairness and real opportunity for everyone – has a home in Canada and in every country.
It’s an approach that doesn’t just serve domestic needs, but that makes the world a better, more peaceful, more prosperous place for all.
This year, in 2017, Canada celebrated the 150th anniversary of Confederation. Our 150th birthday, if you will.
But Canada is much older than that.
It has been home to the descendants of settlers and immigrants for hundreds of years, and Indigenous Peoples for millennia.
We are a country built on different cultures, different religions, different languages all coming together.
That diversity has become our great strength.
But that is not and has not always been true for everyone who shares our land.
Canada is built on the ancestral land of Indigenous Peoples – but regrettably, it’s also a country that came into being without the meaningful participation of those who were there first.
And even where treaties had been formed to provide a foundation for proper relations, they have not been fully honoured or implemented.
For First Nations, Metis Nation and Inuit peoples in Canada, those early colonial relationships were not about strength through diversity, or a celebration of our differences.
For Indigenous Peoples in Canada, the experience was mostly one of humiliation, neglect, and abuse.
Of a government that didn’t respect their traditions and strengths, or their distinct governments and laws, but instead denied and undermined their rights and their dignity.
That sought to overwrite their distinct histories, to eradicate their distinct languages and cultures, and to impose colonial traditions and ways of life.
That discarded the Indigenous imperative to protect the land and water, of always thinking seven generations ahead.
In doing so, we rejected the very notion that whole generations of Indigenous Peoples have the right to define for themselves what a decent life might be.
And we robbed Canada of the contributions these generations would have made to growing our great country.
The failure of successive Canadian governments to respect the rights of Indigenous Peoples in Canada is our great shame.
And for many Indigenous Peoples, this lack of respect for their rights persists to this day.
There are, today, children living on reserve in Canada who cannot safely drink, or bathe in, or even play in the water that comes out of their taps.
There are Indigenous parents who say goodnight to their children, and have to cross their fingers in the hopes that their kids won’t run away, or take their own lives in the night.
Young Indigenous people in Canada struggle to get a good education.
And though residential schools are thankfully a thing of the past, too many Indigenous youth are still sent away, far from their families, just to get the basic education most Canadians take for granted.
And for far too many Indigenous women, life in Canada includes threats of violence so frequent and severe that Amnesty International has called it “a human rights crisis.”
That is the legacy of colonialism in Canada.
Of a paternalistic Indian Act.
Of the forced relocation of Inuit and First Nations communities, and a systematic denial of Métis rights and history.
Of residential schools that separated children as young as five years old from their families, punished them for speaking their own language, and sought to extinguish Indigenous cultures entirely.
The good news is that Canadians get it. They see the inequities. They’re fed up with the excuses.
And that impatience gives us a rare and precious opportunity to act.
We now have before us an opportunity to deliver true, meaningful and lasting reconciliation between Canada and First Nations, the Métis Nation, and Inuit peoples.
And as we embark upon that process of reconciliation, we are guided by the minimum standards adopted here, in this chamber, ten years ago this month.
I know that Canada has a complicated history with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
We actively campaigned and voted against it, then endorsed it in the most half-hearted way possible, calling it an “aspirational document.”
The Declaration is not an aspirational document. It means much more than that to the Indigenous Peoples and others who worked so hard, for so long, to bring the Declaration to life.
In the words of Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Declaration provides “the necessary principles, norms, and standards for reconciliation to flourish in twenty-first-century Canada.”
That’s not an aspiration. That’s a way forward.
Last year, at the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, Canada’s then Minister of Indigenous and Northern Affairs finally corrected Canada’s position on the Declaration, and announced that we are now a full supporter of the Declaration, without qualification.
In partnership with Indigenous Peoples, we’re moving ahead with a thorough review of federal laws, policies, and operational practices, to get our house in order.
To make sure that our government is meeting its obligations, including international obligations under the Declaration.
We know that the world expects Canada to strictly adhere to international human rights standards – including the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples – and that is what we expect of ourselves, too.
We are working closely with Indigenous Peoples in Canada to better respond to their priorities, to better understand how they see and define self-determination, and to support their work of nation rebuilding.
Along with Indigenous partners, we are co-developing programs to ensure the preservation, protection and revitalization of Métis, Inuit and First Nations languages.
In short, we have been working hard, in partnership with other orders of government, and with lndigenous leaders in Canada, to correct past injustices and bring about a better quality of life for Indigenous Peoples in Canada.
I’ll give you a few examples.
Many will sound familiar to you, because they are closely aligned with the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals – goals that apply to all of our countries, without exception.
Our efforts include investments to help bring safe and clean drinking water to all Indigenous communities – part of the UN’s Sustainable Development Goal #6: clean water and sanitation.
So far, more than two dozen long-term drinking water advisories in Indigenous communities have been eliminated, and we have a plan to bring to an end those that remain.
Our efforts also include new investments to close the gap in First Nations education, and new education agreements that recognize the power and authority of First Nations communities.
And these agreements recognize First Nations’ authority to develop and control education systems – systems run in communities, by communities, and for communities.
These are all important steps toward SDG #4: quality education.
Beyond that, for many Indigenous Peoples in Canada, these investments will lay the groundwork for progress on SDG #8: decent work and economic growth.
We know that no one can have a real and fair chance at success without the things that make success possible: good health; strong communities; good, well-paying jobs; a quality education, and safe and affordable places to live.
Clearly, that includes Indigenous Peoples, too.
That’s why our efforts include working with Indigenous communities to help build and refurbish homes.
Construction work on nearly 4,000 homes has been completed or is underway, helping to fulfill SDG #11: making communities safe and sustainable places to live.
And across the country, we are also working on a National Housing Strategy, to give more Canadians access to housing that is safe, adequate, and affordable.
Our efforts also include a stronger focus – in Indigenous communities, across Canada, and around the world – on SDG #5: combatting gender-based violence and giving women and girls equal opportunities to succeed.
We need women and girls to succeed because that’s how we grow stronger economies, and build stronger communities.
That is why our government will be moving forward shortly with legislation to ensure equal pay for work of equal value.
You see, the Sustainable Development Goals are as meaningful in Canada as they are everywhere else in the world, and we are committed to implementing them at home while we also work with our international partners to achieve them around the world.
This is important, because poverty and hunger know no borders. We cannot pretend that these solvable challenges happen only on distant shores.
The need for greater equality and decent work – those are real and persistent human needs. Ones we cannot afford to ignore, especially in our own countries.
We are challenged, every one of us, to provide better opportunities for all people, including Indigenous Peoples.
We are challenged by the fact that true equality is unconditional.
Equality applies to every person. No matter their gender, or where they were born, or how they worship, or whom they choose to love.
And the need to better care for the environment we all share … well, as I said here at the signing ceremony for the Paris Agreement, “in every possible sense, we are all in this together.”
We are all in this together, and the relationships we build need to reflect this reality.
In Canada, this means new relationships between the government of Canada and Indigenous Peoples – relationships based on recognition of rights, respect, co-operation and partnership.
Recently, we made changes to our own government structures, to help with the transition to these new relationships with Indigenous Peoples.
We are dismantling the old colonial bureaucratic structures and creating a new Department of Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs, led by Dr. Carolyn Bennett, an experienced and effective advocate for Indigenous Peoples in Canada.
In her new role, she will lead our government’s efforts to better support Indigenous Peoples as they strengthen their distinct political, cultural, legal and economic institutions, and assume autonomy over their own affairs, including the recognition and implementation of self-government as an expression of self-determination.
At the same time, we recognize that in Canada, the federal government has a historic responsibility for providing services to Indigenous Peoples, and an ongoing role to play.
To better do this work – while at the same time supporting Indigenous self-determination – we will create, in consultation with Indigenous Peoples, a new Department of Indigenous Services, led by our former Minister of Health, Dr. Jane Philpott.
Over time, programs and services will increasingly be delivered by Indigenous Peoples, as part of their move toward true self-government, and the full implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
We believe that this division is the best way for Canada to meet more of its SDG obligations at home, while advancing the principle of self-determination that is at the heart of the Declaration.
There is no blueprint for this kind of change.
There is no road map we can follow.
But neither can we wait.
The time has come to forge new paths together.
To move beyond the limitations of old and outdated colonial structures, and to create in their place something new, something that respects the inherent right of Indigenous Peoples to self-govern, and to determine their own future.
For the federal government, this means making changes to how we operate. The departmental change I mentioned is part of fulfilling that responsibility.
For Indigenous Peoples, it means taking a hard look at how they define and govern themselves as nations and governments, and how they seek to relate to other orders of government.
Indigenous Peoples will decide how they wish to represent and organize themselves.
Some may choose to engage with our government based on historic nations and treaties, others will use different shared experiences as the basis for coming together.
The choice is theirs. This is precisely what self-determination demands.
Though this path is uncharted, I am confident that we will reach a place of reconciliation.
That we will get to a place as a country where nation-to-nation, government-to-government, and Inuit-Crown relationships can be transformed.
A place where the standards enshrined in the UN Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples are fully realized – not merely by government mandate, but in true partnership with Indigenous Peoples.
Part of that new partnership will involve addressing the shared challenge of climate change.
Indigenous and northern communities are particularly affected by its stark reality.
In communities across the north – places like Paulatuk, Kugluktuk, and Tuktoyaktuk – where community members are finding sea ice conditions more dangerous and unpredictable for travelling and hunting in the winter.
In Canada’s western Arctic, the permafrost is melting and huge pieces of tundra are eroding into the ocean.
And around Baffin Island, Inuit elders are finding it difficult to forecast the weather like they used to. So difficult that many are now reluctant even to try.
At home, we are working hard to help these communities adapt and prepare for the future.
At the international level, our commitment is unwavering.
There is no country on this planet that can walk away from the reality of climate change.
And for our part, Canada will continue to fight for the global plan that has a realistic chance of countering it.
We have a responsibility to future generations, and we will uphold it.
We have a chance to build in Canada – and in fact, all around the world – economies that are clean, that are growing, that are forward-looking. We will not let that opportunity pass us by.
In Canada, that means putting a price on carbon pollution. Done well, it’s the most effective way to reduce emissions while continuing to grow the economy.
It also means continuing to work with other countries in support of our shared goals.
Last week, we welcomed environmental leaders from more than 30 countries to a working session in Montréal, where we talked about how to advance the Paris Agreement and continue the global shift toward a more sustainable future for all people.
Likewise, the global community has a responsibility to do all that it can to reduce inequality within and among countries.
In Canada, we are working hard to achieve this goal.
We improved child benefit payments. Our new program gives nine out of ten families more money to help with the high cost of raising their kids, and because of that, we expect to reduce child poverty in Canada by 40%.
We raised taxes on the wealthiest one percent so that we could lower them for the middle class, and we’re continuing to look for ways to make our tax system more fair.
Right now we have a system that encourages wealthy Canadians to use private corporations to pay a lower tax rate than middle class Canadians.
That’s not fair, and we’re going to fix it.
We’re investing to help make education more affordable and more accessible, so that every Canadian can get the training they need to find and keep a good, well-paying job.
This is especially important at a time when automation is challenging traditional ideas of work.
Internationally, we have reaffirmed Canada’s commitment to reducing poverty and inequality, putting gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls at the heart of our development efforts.
We took this approach because we know that when we empower women and girls, economic growth follows.
Peace and cooperation takes root.
And a better quality of life for families and communities is possible.
We are also working hard to deliver progressive trade agreements like the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement with the European Union, which comes into effect today.
CETA will expand opportunities for businesses; create good, well-paying jobs for workers; and deliver meaningful economic growth – the kind of growth that benefits all our citizens, not just the wealthiest.
We have the opportunity – and I would argue we have the responsibility – to ensure that trade agreements include strong provisions to safeguard workers’ rights, to protect the environment, and to ensure that the benefits of trade are felt more broadly.
Because when we do that, we don’t just grow our economies – we live up to our values.
And we say to ourselves and to each other that good enough… just isn’t good enough. That better is always possible.
And better is always possible when we put people at the heart of the decisions we make.
A focus on people – as the theme for this General Debate reminds us – is the best way to build a peaceful and prosperous future.
It’s a future we all want – for ourselves, and our children, and our grandchildren.
It’s a future that Indigenous Peoples in Canada, and around the world, deserve to share in – as full and equal partners.
And it’s a future we can build, if we work together.
Our efforts to build a better relationship with Indigenous Peoples in Canada are not only about righting historical wrongs.
They are about listening, and learning, and working together. They are also about concrete action for the future.
The reconciliation we seek has lessons for us all.
We can’t build strong relationships if we refuse to have conversations.
We can’t chart a more peaceful path if the starting point is suspicion and mistrust.
And we can’t build a better world unless we work together, respect our differences, protect the vulnerable, and stand up for the things that matter most.
As I said last year, we know it will be hard work.
But I remain confident – for Canada’s experience shows this to be true – that any challenge can be met if we meet it together.
Thank you.